Abstract:
This thesis attempts to contribute to the debates on the less than satisfactory
outcomes of state building interventions in post conflict societies. The broad enquiry
underlining this thesis has been: Why interventionist state building is unable to restore
effective statehood in the so-called “failed states?” The thesis argues that the failures
of current state building practice in intervened states need to be located in state failure
discourses. The state failure discourses draw a Western Weberian yardstick to define
and explain the phenomenon of failed states. These discourses paint failed states to be
either lacking broadly, centralized state institutions for service provision, or liberal
characteristics of a democratic participatory political system and a free market
economy. These two explanations of state failure pre-dominate the state building
debate and its practice. State building is theoretically recognized as constructing state
institutions and building upon their functional effectiveness, or it is understood to
encompass creation of a legitimate political order, based on popular consent and the
establishment of viable and strong economy on free market principles. This
understanding when put into practice assumes two main variants of state building
model: state building as institution building; and state building as building of a liberal
political and economic order. The thesis argues that these two variants of state
building when practiced in post conflict situations produce a set of paradoxes that
inhibits the attainment of desired goals. It attempts to explore the paradoxes by
focusing on external attempts at building states in the Balkans, East Timor, Iraq and
Cambodia. Next, it studies the post 2001 state building practice in Afghanistan within
the framework of institutional and liberal paradoxes. The thesis specially focuses on
the paradoxes generated from an understanding and practice of state building as
institution building. It explores the institutional paradoxes at the sub-national district
level in Bati Kot, Nangarhar, to study what shape these take at district level and how
these prohibit achievements in state building exercises. The findings of the thesis
suggest that institutional state building practice in post conflict societies generates two
broad categories of paradoxes: capacity building vs. dependency; and formal vs.
informal/technocratic vs. traditional. The capacity building vs. dependency paradoxes
are generated because the state building intervention fails to achieve its objective of
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restoring effective statehood in intervened settings, the avowed objective of
intervention in the first place. The manner in which capacity building exercises are
conducted to build formal state structures, end up making them more dependent on
external help and finances. Capacity building actually builds dependency. In a similar
vein, technocratic top-down exercise of building institutions, either negates
indigenous governance practices, or create belated linkages with informal social and
political practices. Resultantly, these either do not find acceptance among local
population and end up being adhered to by few in urban centres, or create conditions
of de facto influences over the de jure. The interplay between the formal and the
informal, depending on context and environment and the initiative, either serves to
inhibit state building goals, or promote these, but in non-orthodox, unconventional
manner. Such contestations between the formal and the informal, the technocratic and
the traditional makes the state building process complex and complicated for external
state builders to device state building models that are more adaptive to local
conditions.